October 1, 2003
"COUNCIL WARS" MAKE WAY INTO PARK RIDGE
ANALYSIS & OPINION BY RUSS STEWART
Demographic makeover, either racial or generational, invariably precedes political takeover.
It happened in Chicago, as black population growth in the 1960s and 1970s presaged Harold Washington's 1983 mayoral victory. And that takeover precipitated a decade of racial acrimony and political combat, as highlighted by Chicago's legendary "Council Wars."
And it's happening now in heretofore politically comatose Park Ridge, a onetime conservative Republican bastion just outside Chicago's northwest border, which has been undergoing large-scale generational change for the past two decades. The city's population has been infused with newcomers who are younger, trendier and much more liberal than the old timers. And, as a result -- as in Chicago -- "Council Wars" have begun.
But there is a significant twist: It was the election of five new aldermen in 2003 which roiled city politics, provoked animosity among those in the city's 14-member City Council, and prompted the recent resignation of Republican Mayor Ron Wietecha. In effect, it was "Council Wars" that deposed the mayor, not the mayor who caused the wars. And with the council poised to vote on Oct. 7 to elect a new mayor from among their members, the wars are escalating furiously.
The "Independent Five," as the new aldermen were dubbed, all ran as independents, as did a sixth, who narrowly lost. All opposed candidates backed by the pro-Republican Homeowners' Party, and all were either allied with or backed by the political organizations of U.S. Representative Jan Schakowsky (D-9) and a group called the Park Ridge Democrats.
After the April election, the Independent Five were joined by two former Homeowners' Party aldermen, and the council divided into two seven-member factions. At one spring meeting, Wietecha was admonished that he should henceforth keep his mouth shut during council deliberations, since he was not an alderman and had no right to speak.
So Wietecha's abrupt resignation, after 13 years of quietude, council subservience and unquestioned mayoral dominance, is understandable. He didn't want to engage in mortal combat for the next 2 years and then face an Independent foe in the 2005 mayoral race. Wietecha's departure marks the conclusion of Park Ridge's "Evanstonian evolution."
That phrase describes the demographic progression of a city from bland, stolid, middle-aged, middle class, and culturally and politically conservative to younger, trendier, more affluent, and culturally and politically liberal. That transformation began in Evanston in the early 1960s and was complete by the 1970s; it began in Park Ridge in the early 1980s and is only now complete.
The major difference between Evanston and Park Ridge is that the latter is richer and whiter, and housing prices are higher. Evanston is 22.5 percent black and 6.1 percent Hispanic; Park Ridge is an infinitesimal 0.2 percent black and 2.9 percent Hispanic. Another difference: Evanston is a bastion of political liberalism and is overwhelmingly Democratic. In 2000 Al Gore beat George Bush 24,444-6,612, getting 78.7 percent of the vote. Park Ridge still has a sizable Republican base, and it went for Gore by just over 1,000 votes.
The presence of outstanding public schools has made Park Ridge a magnet for young families and has extraordinarily inflated housing prices. The city's median home value is now over $400,000, and median annual property taxes exceed $12,000. A dinky, 1950s-style brick bungalow that sells for $210,000 in Oriole Park or Norridge fetches at least $350,000 in Park Ridge. Teardowns are nearly epidemic. A majority of blocks feature at least one oversize, $800,000-plus home on a lot once occupied by a modest dwelling. Developers are buying older homes for $300,000 and then building 4,000-square foot, $500,000 semi-mansions -- and they're selling fast. Downtown Park Ridge, along Prospect Avenue near the Pickwick Theater, has become a trendy shopping district, clogged with coffee and ice cream shops and specialty stores.
Over the past decade, Park Ridge's demographic and political trends accelerated:
The steady influx of younger families into Park Ridge, initially the Baby Boom generation in the mid-1980s, became the Baby Boomers' children in the 1990s. The newcomers are almost entirely white and affluent. Stay-at-home moms are rare, and two-income households are the norm, with the bulk employed in professional, managerial or high-tech jobs.
The steady exodus of the World War II generation, either to Sun Belt retirement dwellings, nursing homes or the grave, continued. Park Ridge's population was 43,166 in 1971. It dropped to 38,704 in 1980, and to 37,775 in 2000. Quite clearly, the number of incoming matches the outgoing.
But despite population turnover, political activity atrophied so as to be nearly nonexistent. Wietecha built no personal political organization, and neither the township's Republicans nor the Democrats have any precinct organization in Park Ridge. Since the political demise of controversial anti-abortion Park Ridge state Representative Penny Pullen in 1992, there have been no epic political battles concerning abortion rights to energize voters. Politics seemed to stop at Park Ridge's border.
Wietecha was appointed mayor in 1991, after the resignation of Marty Butler, who served from 1973 to 1991. Butler had been elected Maine Township Republican committeeman in 1990, and he appointed himself to a vacant state Senate seat in 1991. Butler was a popular mayor who led the fight against O'Hare noise, and he founded the Homeowners' Party on whose ticket he ran for election. Wietecha was re-elected without opposition in 1993, 1997 and 2001. All but two of the city's 14 aldermen, elected from seven wards, were allied with him. But then Butler died in 1998, and the Republicans imploded.
Wietecha governed as a nonpartisan mayor, and he is relatively popular, but certainly not as beloved as Butler. There haven't been any major controversies or scandals under either Butler or Wietecha. With a city manager, and with all city jobs covered by civil service, no political machine can be fashioned. Being mayor is only a part-time job, paying $1,200 yearly, and the aldermen get a nominal per diem for attending each council meeting.
Although newcomers to Park Ridge tend to be much more liberal than the old timers on social issues such as abortion, gun control, gay rights and environmental protection, the overall focus of most residents is on fiscal matters, and the refrain is relentlessly repetitive: Give us quality schools. Give us efficient city services. Keep a lid on taxes.
Until 2003, absolutely nobody uttered the phrase: Give us political reform. But Butler's death opened a major split among the Republicans. Wietecha was allied with township Committeeman Mark Thompson, state Representative Rosemary Mulligan and the social-issue liberals, while the social conservatives rallied behind township Supervisor Bob Dudycz. The 2000 Gore-Bush contest also led to the formation of a group called the Park Ridge Democrats, and their members actually worked precincts.
The 2001 remap also brought in a new player: Schakowsky's Lakefront Chicago/Evanston/Skokie district moved westward into Maine Township, taking in parts of Glenview, Des Plaines and Park Ridge. Schakowsky is an outspoken liberal and feminist, and her kindred spirits in Park Ridge got active in her 2002 campaign, distributing literature and placing lawn signs.
But there were some divisive issues quietly percolating: Whether to raise taxes and build a new library. Whether to remain involved with the Suburban O'Hare Commission and keep paying for its operation. What to redevelop in the downtown area and how to pay for it. And Wietecha and his Homeowners' Party weren't paying attention.
In the 2003 election, six of the seven wards had contests for alderman, and the independents beat the Homeowners' candidate in five. One of the winners was Democrat Jeff Cox, who is the son-in-law of Norwood Park Township Democratic Committeeman Robert Martwick; other winners, including Democrats Rex Parker and Don Crampton, reportedly had ties to Schakowsky.
Aldermen Larry Friel and Mike Tinaglia, Republicans formerly allied with the Homeowners' Party, are angling for mayor, and both are seeking Independent Five backing. Sue Bell is backed by the other six Homeowners' aldermen, five of whom face re-election in 2005. It is quite possible that a 7-7 deadlock will arise on Oct. 7, which means more political wrangling, and possibly a long delay in making a choice. Whoever is ultimately elected will face a divided, politicized council that will do little, with everybody focusing on the 2005 election. To Chicagoans, doesn't that sound familiar?
But this much is certain: Demographic change has created major Democratic strength in Park Ridge. And the Homeowners' Party -- and maybe even the township Republican organization -- may soon be extinct.