call Chicago the "Windy City" anymore.
Or even "Windbag City." As the results
of the Nov. 2 election indicate, it's now
few self-righteously liberal American cities, such
as San Francisco, have declared themselves
sanctuaries for illegal aliens and refuse to
cooperate with federal authorities to deport them.
for Chicago and Cook County, which now form an
unassailable sanctuary for reprobates,
rapscallions and flawed, inept Democratic
politicians -- or, more accurately, for
pea-brained Democratic politicians who are
reprobates and rapscallions. In any other
political environment, such odious and mendacious
characters as Rod Blagojevich and Todd Stroger
would evoke revulsion and outrage, and their party
would be punished.
in Chicago and Cook County, where sorry antics and
moral turpitude evoke only indifference. The local
Democratic "Machine," which is
responsible for the plethora of rapscallions in
office, is eternally rewarded by having even more
elected and none defeated. Here's why:
Number One: Chicago and Cook County are becoming
more, not less, Democratic. Pat Quinn, Illinois'
clueless governor, who promised to raise the state
income tax if elected, beat Republican Bill Brady
by an unofficial statewide margin of 19,000 votes.
trounced Brady in Chicago by 519,367-119,834,
getting 75.4 percent of the vote and winning by a
margin of 399,533 votes. He beat Brady in the Cook
County suburbs by 378,410-278,956, getting 53.8
percent of the vote and winning by a margin of
99,454 votes. Coming out of Cook County, Quinn was
up by 498,987 votes. That meant Brady had to win
the Collar Counties and Downstate by at least
500,000 votes. He didn't. He won them by about
470,000 votes, a very respectable showing, but not
enough to offset "Sanctuary City" (and
2006 the now-disgraced Governor Rod Blagojevich
carried Chicago over Republican Judy Baar Topinka
by 504,457-99,732, with 77.4 percent of the vote.
Blagojevich promised to veto any tax hike, and
Quinn, his lieutenant governor candidate, praised
him as a "decent, honest and honorable
man." Four years later Blagojevich is
impeached and on trial in federal court and Quinn
is antsy to raise taxes. So what do Chicagoans do?
They give Quinn more votes than Blago got.
Number Two: Chicago's minority voters, especially
black voters, are vociferous in demanding societal
diversity and racial preferences, but their
partisan affiliation is programmed into their DNA.
They vote for all Democrats, all of the time,
regardless of candidate disqualifications. Being a
Democrat is part of the black culture and
experience. Voting for a non-Democrat is a
perversion. Republicans are the white
"racist" oppressor, so any Democrat,
regardless of moral deficiencies, is preferable to
won Chicago because he got 263,386 votes from the
20 black-majority wards and 50,733 votes from the
eight Hispanic-majority wards. In 2006 Blagojevich
got 257,298 votes from the black wards. Despite
the fact that both governors' record on state
minority hiring is abysmal, black voters still
got roughly 1.7 million of the 3.7 million votes
cast statewide; of that number, about 500,000 came
from black and Hispanic voters in Cook County,
with another 75,000 in the Collar Counties and
Downstate. That means a third of Quinn's vote came
from minority voters. About 55 percent of the
3.125 million white and Asian voters opted for
Brady. To win in Illinois, a Republican needs 55
to 58 percent of the white vote.
Number Three: A political realignment is under way
Downstate. The faces of the Democratic Party
(Obama, Pelosi, Reid, Hillary Clinton) have become
anathema to rural Illinoisans, as has the
Democrats' pro-tax, big spending, pro-abortion
rights, pro-gay marriage and pro-gun control
agenda. Republicans won six Illinois House seats
south of Interstate 80 and three congressional
seats, and Brady topped Quinn by 347,247 votes in
the 96 Downstate counties.
is the obverse of Chicago's black wards. Being a
Democrat is culturally unacceptable. Brady beat
Quinn in that area by 832,006-484,579, getting
63.1 percent of the vote, but to offset Chicago,
until and unless Downstate provides Republican
vote shares approaching 75 percent, Illinois will
an analysis of key races:
Throughout the campaign, both Quinn and Brady were
mired in the low 40 percents in a multiplicity of
polls, with the "undecided" vote
hovering around 15 percent. In 2006 Topinka got
39.3 percent of the vote (1,369,315 votes), to
49.8 percent (1,736,731 votes) for Blagojevich and
10.4 percent (361,336 votes) for the Green Party
candidate. Political pundits made several
when an incumbent barely cracks 40 percent, he's
toast. If undecideds voter were not enamored with
Quinn, then they would likely break 2-1 for the
challenger. That meant that Brady would get 46 to
48 percent of the vote.
Scott Lee Cohen's independent candidacy would
siphon more votes from Quinn than from Brady.
Since an obscure Green Party nominee got more than
10 percent of the vote in 2006, Cohen, who spent
$6 million, was presumed to get 8 to 10 percent.
third, Democratic Illinois House Speaker Mike
Madigan, who is grooming his daughter, Attorney
General Lisa Madigan, for governor in 2014, would
be happier with a Brady victory than a Quinn
victory. Therefore, Quinn would not do
sufficiently well in Chicago wards controlled by
the assumptions were wrong. Cohen's candidacy
collapsed, and he got 3.6 percent of the vote.
Undecideds voters broke 60-40 for Quinn, who
finished with 46.6 percent of the vote to 46.1
percent for Brady, showing that they had more
misgivings about Brady than about Quinn. Finally,
Madigan concluded that it would be better to have
Quinn as governor, let him take the heat for
raising taxes, and discard him in 2014 for his
daughter, with the new taxes ancient history and
the budget in balance.
Brady's implacable opposition to an income tax
hike, he lost Chicago's predominantly white wards
to Quinn by a 2-1 margin. Quinn carried the
Northwest Side by 90,040-44,447, the Southwest
Side by 46,080-20,137 and the north Lakefront by
69,130-28,839. Brady had 119,834 votes (17.4
percent of the total) in Chicago, and he averaged
5.4 percent of the vote in the predominantly black
wards. In 2002, a banner Democratic year,
Republican Jim Ryan got 130,614 votes in Chicago,
while Topinka got 99,732 votes in the city in
2006. Clearly, the city's Republican base is
static, if not shriveling.
topped Brady in the county suburbs by
378,410-278,956, getting 53.6 percent of the vote
and winning by a margin of 99,454 votes.
Blagojevich won the suburbs in 2006 by 103,880
votes. Quinn won Cook County on Nov. 2 by 498,987
votes. Blagojevich won Cook County in 2006 by
508,605 votes, for a statewide margin of 367,416
votes. The difference: At least 350,000 Downstate
and Collar County Blagojevich backers rejected
Quinn, but barely 10,000 did so in Cook County.
Senator: To win statewide, a Republican must lose
Chicago by fewer than 400,000 votes and Cook
County by fewer than 500,000, and win the Collar
Counties by more than 150,000 votes and Downstate
by more than 350,000. Republican nominee Mark
Kirk, unlike Brady, managed that feat. According
to unofficial tallies, Kirk beat Democrat Alexi
Giannoulias by roughly 70,000 votes.
the gubernatorial candidates, both Senate
candidates were flawed: Kirk embellished his
resume, while Giannoulias's banking skills were
negligible. Kirk lost Chicago by 527,176-133,720,
running 13,866 votes ahead of Brady, and he lost
the county suburbs by 368,246-306,566, running
27,610 votes ahead of his opponent. Kirk thumped
Giannoulias Downstate by 827,140-475,754, running
4,866 votes behind Brady, and he won the Collar
Counties by 498,648-323,802, running 32,323 votes
ahead of Brady.
key: the abortion issue. Kirk is pro-choice and
Brady is pro-life. Although Brady eschewed all
social issues, Personal PAC, Illinois' most
effective pro-abortion lobby, mailed heavily to
its constituency. Kirk ran about 65,000 votes
ahead of Brady. The abortion issue moved at least
50,000 voters -- more than enough to elect Quinn.
other notable race:
County Assessor: The media excoriated Democrat Joe
Berrios, the county Democratic chairman, for his
pay-to-play policies at the Board of Review, but
"Sanctuary City's" black vote rescued
Berrios, who was opposed by Independent Forrest
Claypool and Republican Sharon Strobeck-Eckersall.
Berrios won by 645,769-426,536-236,945, getting
48.1 percent of the vote, with 35,213 votes to the
Green Party candidate. Berrios lost the suburbs to
Claypool by 198 votes but won Chicago by 219,428
votes, for a victory margin of 219,230. Berrios
carried the black wards over Claypool by
232,646-38,828 -- a margin of 198,818 votes. That,
and Strobeck-Eckersall's 17.7 percent share of the
vote, saved Berrios' bacon. More than half the
voters rejected Berrios.
breaking Northwest Side political news, 28-year
Alderman Pat Levar (45th) announced his retirement
on Nov. 15. He anointed Marina Faz-Huppert, the
34-year-old political director of Local 881 of the
United Food and Commercial Workers Union, as his
successor, and he ordered his captains to get her
petitions passed. There is considerable
disgruntlement among Levar's captains.
the 38th Ward, where Alderman Tom Allen is
resigning to become a judge, the "Cullerton
Dynasty" won't fade away. Organization
Democrats, led by Committeeman Patti Jo Cullerton,
are backing her brother, former Building
Department deputy commissioner Tim Cullerton, for
filing deadline for aldermanic races is Nov. 22.
Next week: An analysis of all area contests.